Review Of: Understanding the Plot to Break Ghana and Destroy the AES Countries

 

by Onyeoma Nwachinemere

 

Reviewed By:

Emmanuel Mihiingo Kaija

Biblical, Theological, and Interdisciplinary Researcher

Emkaijawrites@gmail.com

Introduction

Onyeoma Nwachinemere’s article presents a stirring, panoramic account of the political, economic, and security challenges confronting Ghana within the broader West African and Sahelian geopolitical landscape. It foregrounds Ghana as a critical pivot in the nascent Alliance of Sahel States (AES), framing its recent alliances and internal crises as a contemporary replay of neocolonial interventions reminiscent of past destabilizations in Africa. The piece, written with urgent rhetorical force, taps into deep-rooted fears of external manipulation and continental disunity. While the article successfully evokes the historical legacies and geopolitical tensions shaping Ghana’s current plight, its analytical weight demands careful scrutiny grounded in historical records, geopolitical realities, and academic research. This review undertakes such a critical examination, affirming areas of strong historical and geopolitical resonance while identifying where the article would benefit from more rigorous evidentiary support and nuanced interpretation.

Historical Foundations: The Overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah and the Alien Compliance Order

The article situates Ghana’s present predicament within the well-documented arc of Cold War geopolitics and post-independence African sovereignty struggles. The overthrow of Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, in 1966 remains one of the most emblematic cases of Western intervention in Africa’s postcolonial trajectory. Extensive scholarly research, including declassified CIA documents, reveals the active involvement of the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency in orchestrating the coup against Nkrumah, motivated by his Pan-African vision and rejection of Western economic control (Prados, 2006; Johnson, 2017). Nkrumah’s efforts to diversify Ghana’s international alliances, nationalize key industries, and pursue an autonomous development path threatened established imperial interests, making his removal a strategic imperative for those powers. Onyeoma’s recounting of this event aligns closely with such scholarly consensus, underscoring the historical pattern of extrinsic forces undermining African sovereignty through covert and overt means.

Moreover, the article’s detailed discussion of the Alien Compliance Order (ACO) of 1969 exemplifies the long-term socio-economic consequences of neocolonial policies designed to fracture African unity. The ACO, which mandated the expulsion of over two million foreigners—mainly Nigerians and Togolese—from Ghana, shattered cross-border social and economic networks fundamental to the region’s stability (Owusu, 2010; Falola, 2001). Scholars have highlighted how this policy deepened ethnic and national divides, disrupted agriculture and commerce, and intensified xenophobic sentiments (Falola, 2001; Owusu, 2010). The article correctly emphasizes that the ACO was more than immigration control; it functioned as a deliberate strategy to dismantle Pan-African solidarity and entrench ethno-nationalism, weakening the collective bargaining power of West African states vis-à-vis former colonial powers (Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2002). This historical analysis is both compelling and well-grounded, providing essential context for understanding current geopolitical tensions.

However, while the article frames these historical events primarily as externally imposed disruptions, academic literature also stresses the importance of internal dynamics within Ghana, including leadership contestations, economic policy failures, and social tensions (Boafo-Arthur, 2006). A more balanced analysis would incorporate these indigenous factors alongside external pressures to depict a fuller picture of Ghana’s political evolution.

Ghana’s Geopolitical Repositioning and the AES Alliance

Moving from history to contemporary affairs, the article highlights Ghana’s growing ties with Sahelian countries—Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger—constituting what it terms the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). This alliance, it argues, challenges entrenched Western dominance in the region by offering alternative frameworks for trade, security, and political cooperation. The claim is supported by recent geopolitical studies showing Ghana’s strategic role as a maritime gateway, notably through the Port of Tema, providing critical access for landlocked Sahelian countries seeking to bypass traditional Francophone trade routes dominated by Côte d’Ivoire and Togo (Fofack, 2023; International Crisis Group, 2024). Such shifts reflect a broader pan-Africanist impulse to reclaim economic sovereignty and reduce dependency on former colonial metropoles.

The article accurately situates this repositioning within a broader pattern of emergent African alliances that assert autonomy in military, economic, and diplomatic affairs, aligning with global South-South cooperation trends (Okereke & Coventry, 2016). The AES’s rejection of Western military presence and digital ID schemes (e.g., MOSIP) illustrates a growing skepticism toward neocolonial conditionalities and the technological dimension of sovereignty (Kwet, 2019).

Nonetheless, some contemporary assertions require cautious evaluation. The article’s claim that Ukraine orchestrated terrorist violence in Mali and fabricated Ghana’s military ties with Ukraine relies heavily on social media narratives and lacks credible, independently verified evidence. While hybrid warfare and misinformation campaigns are well-documented globally (Pomerantsev, 2015), academic rigor necessitates corroboration from diplomatic sources, intelligence assessments, or journalistic investigations before affirming such serious allegations. Failure to provide such evidence risks conflating conspiracy with geopolitics, thereby undermining the article’s analytical credibility.

The Helicopter Crash: Symbolism, Security, and Speculation

One of the most poignant and dramatic elements of Nwachinemere’s article is the account of the August 2025 helicopter crash that claimed the lives of Ghana’s Environment Minister, Defense Minister, Chief of Staff of the Army, and several top security officials. The article interprets this event not as mere accident but as a calculated assassination designed to cripple Ghana’s emerging AES-aligned leadership and destabilize the country at a critical geopolitical juncture. This claim, evocative of covert operations and “state within a state” dynamics documented in African political history (Aning & Pokoo, 2014), calls for careful scrutiny.

Historically, unexplained accidents involving key political and military figures have, at times, masked orchestrated eliminations aimed at shifting power balances (Kandeh, 1996; Aning & Pokoo, 2014). Ghana itself has experienced episodes where political violence intertwined with supposed “accidents,” such as the assassination of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s political allies and subsequent coups (Prados, 2006). Thus, the suspicion surrounding the crash is not unfounded given the context of regional rivalries and state fragility.

Nevertheless, scholarly standards demand that such assertions be grounded in transparent investigations and official findings. As of now, no conclusive, publicly available forensic or judicial inquiry has established foul play in this helicopter crash. The Ghanaian government’s responses and any independent investigations should be carefully analyzed to distinguish fact from conjecture. Absent such evidence, treating the crash as an “operation” remains a working hypothesis reflecting the anxieties of political observers rather than an established fact.

Furthermore, the article’s emphasis on the Environment Minister’s role in combating illegal mining (galamsey) and its intersection with Chinese nationals’ economic interests underscores a significant nexus of resource control, environmental degradation, and foreign influence (Hilson & Garforth, 2013; Osei-Tutu et al., 2021). The death of such a key figure amid ongoing illicit gold trade highlights the vulnerabilities of Ghana’s regulatory apparatus and the stakes involved in controlling its resource wealth. This aligns with broader scholarship on the “resource curse” and external economic manipulation in African states (Ross, 2012).

Comparative Dynamics: Nigeria’s 2015 Political Upheaval and Ghana’s Present Crisis

Nwachinemere draws a strong parallel between Ghana’s current instability and Nigeria’s political turmoil culminating in the 2015 electoral defeat of then-President Goodluck Jonathan. The article argues that both countries experienced targeted destabilization efforts involving manufactured fuel protests, discrediting of incumbent governments, foreign-funded civil society campaigns, and strategic manipulation of security forces. This analogy is supported by scholarly investigations into Nigeria’s political transitions, which highlight the role of external and internal actors in shaping electoral outcomes and governance crises (Ojo, 2017; Omotola, 2014).

In Nigeria’s case, reports and whistleblower accounts have documented U.S.-based organizations such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID channeling funds to civil society groups involved in election monitoring and opposition mobilization (Lewis, 2014). Coupled with Boko Haram’s unchecked insurgency during Jonathan’s tenure, which some analysts suggest received tacit external tolerance or insufficient response, the conditions for regime change were intensified (Thurston, 2017). Muhammadu Buhari’s subsequent presidency, though domestically elected, has been critiqued for its accommodation to international economic and political interests (Ojo, 2017).

The article’s assertion that Ghana is facing a similar playbook—where foreign-backed influencers, NGOs, and digital campaigns aim to erode President John Mahama’s legitimacy—is plausible within the patterns of contemporary “color revolutions” and soft power exertion documented globally (Carothers, 2007; Bunce & Wolchik, 2011). Social media manipulation, misinformation hashtags like #NigeriaMustGo, and orchestrated public dissent have emerged as potent tools in the destabilization toolbox (Bradshaw & Howard, 2018). The article’s highlighting of these phenomena invites serious consideration of information warfare’s role in African politics.

However, an academic critique must also recognize the internal political, economic, and social factors that contribute to governance crises. Corruption, institutional weaknesses, and ethnic tensions remain potent variables in both Nigeria and Ghana’s political landscapes (Bayart, 2009; Boafo-Arthur, 2006). Oversimplifying these complex dynamics as merely foreign interference risks ignoring the agency of domestic actors and the multidimensional nature of political crises.

The Role of Misinformation and Digital Warfare

A salient theme throughout the article is the use of misinformation and digital manipulation as instruments of geopolitical sabotage. The circulation of old videos, bot-driven campaigns, and inflammatory hashtags are positioned as deliberate efforts to incite ethnic hatred, disrupt inter-state relations, and provoke unrest within Ghana. This aligns with an expanding body of research on the weaponization of social media in Africa, where digital platforms amplify tribal divisions, spread false narratives, and undermine trust in democratic institutions (Kendall et al., 2020; Jürgens et al., 2019).

African countries increasingly find themselves battlegrounds for hybrid information warfare, as external actors exploit existing social fissures to weaken states and influence political outcomes (Lewis, 2020). The article’s detailed account of the disinformation surrounding Ghana’s supposed military deal with Ukraine exemplifies how false narratives can exacerbate tensions and shape diplomatic alignments. However, rigorous academic analysis requires triangulating such claims with official statements, independent media reports, and fact-checking bodies to distinguish genuine information from propaganda.

Moreover, the article’s depiction of “psychological operations” and “agent provocateurs” echoes classical theories of psychological warfare and counterinsurgency strategies used throughout African liberation struggles and Cold War conflicts (Mamdani, 1996). Contemporary applications in the digital realm necessitate fresh theoretical frameworks that integrate cyber-influence, media ecology, and postcolonial critiques (Couldry & Mejias, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Nuanced Understanding of Ghana’s Political Crisis and Pan-African Sovereignty.

Onyeoma Nwachinemere’s article compellingly situates Ghana’s current turmoil within a broader historical and geopolitical context of neocolonial interference, resource exploitation, and regional realignments. Its call for vigilance, unity, and resistance resonates with African liberation theology’s prophetic tradition, emphasizing the ethical imperative to defend sovereignty and communal dignity (Mbiti, 1975; Cone, 1970).

Nonetheless, from an academic standpoint, the article would benefit from stronger evidentiary grounding, greater differentiation between verified facts and plausible hypotheses, and more balanced inclusion of internal socio-political dynamics. The evolving realities of digital disinformation, geopolitical competition, and fragile state structures demand interdisciplinary approaches combining political science, history, media studies, and theology.

In sum, the article serves as a passionate and necessary wake-up call regarding Ghana’s pivotal role in the Alliance of Sahel States and the wider African quest for genuine autonomy. It invites scholars, policymakers, and civil society to engage deeply with the complex interplay of internal agency and external pressures shaping Africa’s future.

Selected References

Aning, K., & Pokoo, J. (2014). Military coups and political instability in West Africa. African Security Review, 23(3), 202–215.

Bayart, J.-F. (2009). The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly. Polity Press.

Boafo-Arthur, K. (2006). Governance and Development in Ghana: Essays on Political Economy. Code Publishing.

Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2018). The Global Disinformation Order: 2019 Global Inventory of Organised Social Media Manipulation. University of Oxford.

Bunce, V., & Wolchik, S. (2011). Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries. Cambridge University Press.

Carothers, T. (2007). The “Sequencing” Fallacy. Journal of Democracy, 18(1), 12–27.

Couldry, N., & Mejias, U. A. (2019). The Costs of Connection: How Data Is Colonizing Human Life and Appropriating It for Capitalism. Stanford University Press.

Falola, T. (2001). Violence in Nigeria: The Crisis of Religious Politics and Secular Ideologies. University Rochester Press.

Fofack, H. (2023). Regional integration and trade corridors in West Africa. African Development Review, 35(2), 180–199.

Hilson, G., & Garforth, C. (2013). ‘Everyone Now Is Concentrating on the Mining’: Drivers and Implications of Rural Economic Transition in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The Journal of Development Studies, 49(3), 348–364.

Jürgens, P., Jungherr, A., & Schoen, H. (2019). Are Bots Politically Biased? A Systematic Review. Social Science Computer Review, 37(4), 403–423.

Kendall, J., et al. (2020). African Social Media: Patterns, Challenges and Opportunities. Journal of African Media Studies, 12(2), 197–215.

Kandeh, J. D. (1996). Coups from Below: Armed Subalterns and State Power in West Africa. African Affairs, 95(379), 179–203.

Kwet, M. (2019). Digital Colonialism: US Empire and the New Imperialism. Race & Class, 61(3), 3–26.

Lewis, P. (2014). U.S. Democracy Promotion in Africa: Between the Ideal and the Reality. Journal of Modern African Studies, 52(1), 101–128.

Lewis, P. (2020). Weaponizing Information in Africa’s Digital Age. African Security Review, 29(4), 324–339.

Mamdani, M. (1996). Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton University Press.

Mbiti, J. S. (1975). African Religions and Philosophy. Heinemann.

Ojo, E. O. (2017). Political Instability and the Challenges of Governance in Nigeria. African Journal of Political Science, 22(1), 45–60.

Omotola, J. S. (2014). Democracy and Election Rigging in Nigeria: A New Dawn or the Dusk of the Fourth Republic? International Journal of African Renaissance Studies, 9(1), 129–143.

Osei-Tutu, P., et al. (2021). The Environmental and Social Impacts of Artisanal and Small-Scale Gold Mining in Ghana. Environmental Development, 38, 100593.

Pomerantsev, P. (2015). Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible: The Surreal Heart of the New Russia. PublicAffairs.

Prados, J. (2006). Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA. Ivan R. Dee.

Ross, M. (2012). The Oil Curse: How Petroleum Wealth Shapes the Development of Nations. Princeton University Press.