By Mahmud Tim Kargbo
John M. Ellis’s A Short History of Relations between Peoples argues that equality is not mankind’s natural condition but a hard-won moral and social discipline. His thesis, though written with Europe in mind, resonates deeply in Sierra Leone, where claims of equality often collapse under the weight of political mismanagement, corruption and selective justice.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) warned that “a culture of impunity, corruption and lack of accountability by public officials bred cynicism and disillusionment amongst Sierra Leoneans” (TRC Report, 2004, Volume 2, Chapter 2, http://www.sierraleonetrc.org). That warning remains salient today under both Ernest Bai Koroma’s APC and Julius Maada Bio’s SLPP administrations. Afrobarometer data indicate that only 32 per cent of Sierra Leoneans believe the courts treat people equally, while 61 per cent say officials abuse their power (http://www.afrobarometer.org/publications/sierra-leone-round-9-summary-results-2022). Ellis’s observation that equality must be defended rather than assumed finds direct application here.
Ellis emphasises that fear and power, rather than fraternity, shaped human relations before the modern era. In Sierra Leone, this history is reflected in colonial conquest, inter-ethnic conflicts and the decade-long civil war. The Bai Bureh War of 1898 exemplifies the defence of land and dignity against external imposition. Yet successive governments, whether APC or SLPP, have often replicated colonial patterns in resource management, land allocation and political patronage, privileging partisan advantage over the principle of equal protection under the law.
Audit Service Sierra Leone reports repeatedly document misuse of public funds under both parties, with billions of leones unaccounted for (http://www.auditservice.gov.sl). Despite these revelations, prosecutions are rare and recovery of stolen resources negligible. Ellis’s contention that equality depends on accountability could not be clearer: a society cannot claim equality when political elites act above the law.
The legal framework also reveals Sierra Leone’s unsettled approach to equality. Unlike Europe, which Ellis shows moving gradually towards what he describes as universal dignity, Sierra Leone continues to uphold laws that define morality in explicit terms. Section 61 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 remains valid law and states in full:
“Whosoever shall be convicted of the abominable crime of buggery, committed either with mankind or with any animal, shall be liable, at the discretion of the court, to be kept in penal servitude for life or for any term not less than ten years.” (http://www.humandignitytrust.org/country-profile/sierra-leone/)
Under Sierra Leone law, there is no legal recognition of LGBT conduct, and persons convicted under Section 61 face penalties of ten years to life imprisonment. This provision remains part of the legal order and reflects the state’s duty to safeguard public morality. True equality in Sierra Leone cannot be separated from obedience to the law. To argue otherwise would subvert the very foundations of justice. While the 2023 Employment Act introduced workplace protection against dismissal based on sexual orientation (http://www.cfr.org/blog/women-week-womens-rights-victory-sierra-leone), such statutory provision does not and cannot nullify Section 61. For equity to have meaning in Sierra Leone, it must be grounded in the law as written, not in imported ideologies alien to the country’s moral and legal framework.
The actions of the governments of Ernest Bai Koroma and Julius Maada Bio in upholding Section 61 reflect adherence to the legal and moral order of Sierra Leone. At the same time, certain gestures interpreted as accommodating LGBT rights appear to have been influenced by international pressures rather than domestic legal imperatives. While both administrations maintain the law as the supreme arbiter of public morality, selective emphasis on external expectations risks creating a perception that national laws are negotiable. A genuinely balanced approach to equality requires that government policy and practice uphold the Constitution and statutory provisions consistently, without yielding to foreign pressures that conflict with the established legal and moral framework of the country.
Ellis stresses that equality also depends on truth-telling. Sierra Leone’s TRC and Audit Service provide those truths, yet both governments have been slow or inconsistent in implementing recommendations. The APC promised an “Agenda for Prosperity” but failed to prevent procurement abuses and misallocation of resources. The SLPP’s “New Direction” and “Big Five” priorities under Bio have likewise been undermined by weak enforcement and selective accountability. Judicial rulings such as Sam-Sumana v. Attorney General (ECOWAS Court, 2017) highlight the ongoing challenge: equality under law is meaningless without impartial enforcement.
Sierra Leone demonstrates that equality is not merely a principle but a practice, enforced through law, civic discipline and accountability. Ellis’s European examples underscore that equality is neither natural nor inevitable. In Sierra Leone, the lesson is clear: equality is achieved only when the Constitution, statutory provisions and ethical governance converge, and when leaders demonstrate unwavering fidelity to the legal and moral framework that defines the nation. Until that convergence is realised, the promise of equality will remain aspirational, contingent on the courage and integrity of both government and citizenry.
